205 Facts About Ibn Taymiyyah

1.

Ibn Taymiyyah is known for his diplomatic involvement with the Ilkhanid ruler Ghazan Khan and for his involvement at the Battle of Marj al-Saffar which ended the Mongol invasions of the Levant.

2.

Ibn Taymiyyah was noteworthy for engaging in intense religious polemics in attacking the followers of Kalam ; namely Ash'arism, while defending his version of the Athari-traditionalist school of theology which he believed all Sunni Muslims should follow.

3.

Ibn Taymiyyah's name is unusual in that it is derived from a female member of his family as opposed to a male member, which was the normal custom at the time and still is.

4.

The title "Ibn Taymiyyah" comes from the mother of his forefathers who was called Taymiyahh.

5.

Ibn Taymiyyah was an admonisher and he was ascribed to her and became known through the name, "Ibn Taymiyahh".

6.

Taymiyyah was a prominent woman, famous for her scholarship and piety and the name Ibn Taymiyyah was taken up by many of her male descendants.

7.

Ibn Taymiyyah had a simple life, most of which he dedicated to learning, writing, and teaching.

8.

Ibn Taymiyyah never married nor did he have a female companion throughout his years.

9.

Ibn Taymiyyah's life was that of a religious scholar and a political activist.

10.

Ibn Taymiyyah's detentions were due to certain elements of his creed and his views on some jurisprudential issues.

11.

On occasions when he shared the same views and aims as the ruling authorities his contributions were welcomed, but when Ibn Taymiyyah went against the status quo, he was seen as "uncooperative", and on occasions spent much time in prison.

12.

In 1269, aged seven, Ibn Taymiyyah, left Harran together with his father and three brothers.

13.

Ibn Taymiyyah's family moved and settled in Damascus, Syria, which at the time was ruled by the Mamluk Sultanate.

14.

In Damascus, his father served as the director of the Sukkariyya Madrasa, a place where Ibn Taymiyyah received his early education.

15.

Ibn Taymiyyah acquainted himself with the religious and secular sciences of his time.

16.

Ibn Taymiyyah learnt the works of Ahmad ibn Hanbal, al-Khallal, Ibn Qudamah and the works of his grandfather, Abu al-Barakat Majd ad-Din.

17.

Ibn Taymiyyah went on to master the famous book of Arabic grammar, Al-Kitab, by the Persian grammarian Sibawayhi.

18.

Ibn Taymiyyah studied mathematics, algebra, calligraphy, theology, philosophy, history and heresiography.

19.

At the age of 20 in the year 1282, Ibn Taymiyyah completed his education.

20.

Ibn Taymiyyah represented the Hanbali school of thought during this time.

21.

Ibn Taymiyyah accepted the invitation and delivered his fatwa, calling for the man to receive the death penalty.

22.

In 1298, Ibn Taymiyyah wrote his explanation for the ayat al-mutashabihat titled Al-`Aqidat al-Hamawiyat al-Kubra.

23.

Once more, Ibn Taymiyyah collaborated with the Mamluks in 1300, when he joined the punitive expedition against the Alawites and Shiites, in the Kasrawan region of the Lebanese mountains.

24.

In 1305, Ibn Taymiyyah took part in a second military offensive against the Alawites and the Isma`ilis in the Kasrawan region of the Lebanese mountains where they were defeated.

25.

Openly rejecting Ghazan Khan's claim to "padishah al-islam", a title which Ghazan took to legitimise his military campaigns, Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya denounced him as an "infidel king" and issued numerous fatwas condemning the political order of the Tatars.

26.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya was one of those clerics who stood firm alongside the vulnerable Damascus citizens and called for an uncompromising and heroic resistance to the Tatar invaders.

27.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya drew parallels of their crisis with the Riddah wars fought by the first Muslim Caliph, Abubakr, against the renegade Arabian tribes that abandoned sharia.

28.

Ibn Taymiyyah went with a delegation of Islamic scholars to talk to Ghazan Khan, who was the Khan of the Mongol Ilkhanate of Iran, to plead clemency and to stop his attack on the Muslims.

29.

Ibn Taymiyyah however, stayed and was one of the leaders of the resistance inside Damascus and he went to speak directly to the Ilkhan, Mahmud Ghazan, and his vizier Rashid al-Din Tabib.

30.

Ibn Taymiyyah sought the release of Muslim and dhimmi prisoners which the Mongols had taken in Syria, and after negotiation, secured their release.

31.

Ibn Taymiyyah spoke to and encouraged the Governor of Damascus, al-Afram, to achieve victory over the Mongols.

32.

Ibn Taymiyyah became involved with al-Afram once more, when he was sent to get reinforcements from Cairo.

33.

Ibn Taymiyyah declared that jihad against the Mongol attack on the Malmuk sultanate was not only permissible, but obligatory.

34.

Ibn Taymiyyah called on the Muslims to jihad and personally participated in the Battle of Marj al-Saffar against the Ilkhanid army; leading his disciples in the field with a sword.

35.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya was a fervent polemicist who waged perpetual theological attacks against various religious sects such as the Sufis, Jahmites, Asha'rites, Shias, Falsafa etc.

36.

Ibn Taymiyyah was imprisoned several times for conflicting with the prevailing opinions of the jurists and theologians of his day.

37.

Ibn Taymiyyah adopted the view that God should be described as he was literally described in the Qur'an and in the hadith, and that all Muslims were required to believe this because according to him it was the view held by the early Muslim community.

38.

Ibn Taymiyyah was protected by the then Governor of Damascus, Aqqush al-Afram, during the proceedings.

39.

However, if Ibn Taymiyyah ascribed his creed to the Hanbali school of law then it would be just one view out of the four schools which one could follow rather than a creed everybody must adhere to.

40.

Uncompromising, Ibn Taymiyyah maintained that it was obligatory for all scholars to adhere to his creed.

41.

Ibn Taymiyyah failed to convince the judges of his position and so was incarcerated for the charge of anthropomorphism on the recommendation of al-Hindi.

42.

Ibn Taymiyyah was freed due to the help he received from two amirs; Salar and Muhanna ibn Isa, but he was not allowed to go back to Syria.

43.

Ibn Taymiyyah was then again summoned for a legal debate, but this time he convinced the judges that his views were correct and he was allowed to go free.

44.

Ibn Taymiyyah continued to face troubles for his views which were found to be at odds with those of his contemporaries.

45.

Ibn Taymiyyah however stayed in Egypt for a further five years.

46.

Ibn Taymiyyah's reign, marked by economical and political unrest, only lasted a year.

47.

Three years after his arrival in the city, Ibn Taymiyyah became involved in efforts to deal with the increasing Shia influence amongst Sunni Muslims.

48.

In 1318, Ibn Taymiyyah wrote a treatise that would curtail the ease with which a Muslim man could divorce his wife.

49.

At the time he issued the fatwa, Ibn Taymiyyah revived an edict by the sultan not to issue fatwas on this issue but he continued to do so, saying, "I cannot conceal my knowledge".

50.

Ibn Taymiyyah accepted this but rejected the validity of three oaths taken under one sitting to count as three separate divorces as long as the intention was not to divorce.

51.

Ibn Taymiyyah stated that since this is an oath much like an oath taken in the name of God, a person must expiate for an unintentional oath in a similar manner.

52.

Ibn Taymiyyah was reinstated as teacher of Hanbali law and he resumed teaching.

53.

In 1310, Ibn Taymiyyah had written a risala called Ziyarat al-Qubur or according to another source, Shadd al-rihal.

54.

Ibn Taymiyyah referred to his imprisonment as "a divine blessing".

55.

Ibn Taymiyyah remained in prison for over two years and ignored the sultan's prohibition, by continuing to deliver fatwas.

56.

Ibn Taymiyyah went to Egypt in order to acquire support for his cause and while he was there, he got embroiled in religious-political disputes.

57.

Ibn Taymiyyah's enemies accused him of advocating anthropomorphism, a view that was objectionable to the teachings of the Ash'ari school of Islamic theology, and in 1306, he was imprisoned for more than a year.

58.

Ibn Taymiyyah had supporters among the powerful, but his outspokenness and his nonconformity to traditional Sunni doctrines and his denunciation of Sufi ideals and practices continued to draw the wrath of the religious and political authorities in Syria and Egypt.

59.

Ibn Taymiyyah was arrested and released several more times, but while he was in prison, he was allowed to write Fatwas in defense of his beliefs.

60.

Ibn Taymiyyah died while he was a prisoner in the citadel of Damascus and he was buried in the city's Sufi cemetery.

61.

Ibn Taymiyyah was buried in Damascus, in Maqbara Sufiyya.

62.

Ibn Taymiyyah Kathir says that in the history of Islam, only the funeral of Ahmad ibn Hanbal received a larger attendance.

63.

Ibn Taymiyyah's resting place is "in the parking lot of a maternity ward", though as of 2009 its headstone was broken, according to author Sadakat Kadri.

64.

Several of Ibn Taymiyyah's students became scholars in their own right.

65.

Ibn Taymiyyah's students came from different backgrounds and belonged to various different schools.

66.

Many scholars have argued that Ibn Taymiyyah did not enjoy popularity among the intelligentsia of his day.

67.

Ibn Taymiyyah was a renowned scholar of Islam whose influence was felt not only during his lifetime but extended through the centuries until the present day.

68.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya is a servant whom God has forsaken, led astray, made blind and deaf, and degraded.

69.

Taqi al-Din al-Hisni condemned Ibn Taymiyya in even stronger terms by referring to him as the "heretic from Harran" and similarly, Munawi considered Ibn Taymiyyah to be an innovator though not an unbeliever.

70.

The Hanafi-Maturidi scholar 'Ala' al-Din al-Bukhari said that anyone that gives Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya the title Shaykh al-Islam is a disbeliever.

71.

Our assessment of Ibn Taymiyyah Taimiyya after full investigation is that he was a scholar of the 'Book of God' and had full command over its etymological and juristic implications.

72.

Ibn Taymiyyah remembered by heart the traditions of the prophet and accounts of elders.

73.

Ibn Taymiyyah argued in defence of Ahl al-Sunnah with great eloquence and force.

74.

Ibn Taymiyyah's works served as an inspiration for later Muslim scholars and historical figures, who have been regarded as his admirers or disciples.

75.

Ibn Taymiyyah has been noted to have influenced Rashid Rida, Abul A`la Maududi, Sayyid Qutb, Hassan al-Banna, Abdullah Azzam, and Osama bin Laden.

76.

The terrorist organization Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant used a fatwa of Ibn Taymiyyah to justify the burning alive of Jordanian pilot Muath al-Kasasbeh.

77.

Ibn Taymiyyah was taught by scholars who were renowned in their time.

78.

Ibn Taymiyyah was trained in this school and he had studied Ibn Hanbal's Musnad in great detail, having studied it over multiple times.

79.

Ibn Taymiyyah's work was most influenced by the sayings and actions of the Salaf and this showed in his work where he would give preference to the Salaf over his contemporaries.

80.

Ibn Taymiyyah issued a fatwa demanding that the Jewish synagogues in Cairo should be destroyed, and urging his people not to allow the chapels of other faiths to exist in their midst.

81.

Ibn Taymiyyah said that God should be described as he has described himself in the Qur'an and the way Muhammad has described God in the Hadith.

82.

Ibn Taymiyyah rejected the Ta'tili's who denied these attributes, those who compare God with the creation and those who engage in esoteric interpretations of the Qur'an or use symbolic exegesis.

83.

Ibn Taymiyyah said that those attributes which we know about from the two above mentioned sources, should be ascribed to God.

84.

In 1299, Ibn Taymiyyah wrote the book Al-Aqida al-hamawiyya al-kubra, which dealt with, among other topics, theology and creed.

85.

Ibn Taymiyyah wrote another book dealing with the attributes of God called, Al-Aqidah Al-Waasitiyyah.

86.

Ibn Taymiyyah faced considerable hostility towards these views from the Ash'ari's of whom the most notable were, Taqi al-Din al-Subki and his son Taj al-Din al-Subki who were influential Islamic jurists and chief judge of Damascus in their respective times.

87.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya regarded Tawhid al-Asma wa Sifat as the third aspect of Tawhid and as part of Tawhid al-Uluhiyya.

88.

Ibn Taymiyyah held the belief that Hell was not eternal even for unbelievers.

89.

Ibn Taymiyyah was criticised for holding this view by the chief Shafi scholar Taqi al-Din al-Subki who presented a large body of Qur'anic evidence to argue that unbelievers will abide in hell-fire eternally.

90.

Ibn Taymiyyah was partially supported in his view by the Zaydi Shi'ite Ibn al-Wazir.

91.

Ibn Taymiyyah considered the use of analogy based on literal meaning of scripture as a valid source for deriving legal rulings.

92.

Ibn Taymiyyah acknowledged its use as one of the four fundamental principles of Islamic jurisprudence.

93.

Ibn Taymiyyah argued against the certainty of syllogistic arguments and in favour of analogy.

94.

Ibn Taymiyyah argues that concepts founded on induction are themselves not certain but only probable, and thus a syllogism based on such concepts is no more certain than an argument based on analogy.

95.

Ibn Taymiyyah further claimed that induction itself depends on a process of analogy.

96.

Ibn Taymiyyah attached caveats however to the use of analogy because he considered the use of reason to be secondary to the use of revelation.

97.

Ibn Taymiyyah's view was that analogy should be used under the framework of revelation, as a supporting source.

98.

However, Ibn Taymiyyah disagreed because he thought a contradiction between the definitive canonical texts of Islam, and definitive reason was impossible and that this was the understanding of the salaf.

99.

Racha el-Omari says that on an epistemological level, Ibn Taymiyyah considered the Salaf to be better than any other later scholars in understanding the agreement between revelation and reason.

100.

One example for this is the use of analogy in the Islamic legal principle of maslaha about which Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya believed, if there were to be any contradiction to revelation then it is due to a misunderstanding or misapplication of the concept of utility.

101.

Ibn Taymiyyah said that to assess the utility of something, the criteria for benefit and harm should come from the Qur'an and sunnah, a criterion which he applied to the establishment of a correct analogy.

102.

Ibn Taymiyyah issued a fatwa deeming it acceptable to perform dua in languages other than Arabic:.

103.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya held the view that the lender of a loan is allowed to recover the original, inflation adjusted value.

104.

Ibn Taymiyyah stipulated that the lender should be able to recover the original, inflation-adjusted value; reasoning that lenders unable to recover for losses from inflation would be far less inclined to grant future loans.

105.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya held that the term riba included all types of interest resulting from late payment or due to unequal exchange of the same commodity.

106.

Ibn Taymiyyah believed that reason itself validated the entire Qur'an as being reliable and in light of that he argued, if some part of the scripture was to be rejected then this would render the use of reason as an unacceptable avenue through which to seek knowledge.

107.

Ibn Taymiyyah thought that the most perfect rational method and use of reason was contained within the Qur'an and sunnah and that the theologians of his time had used rational and reason in a flawed manner.

108.

Ibn Taymiyyah committed eighty mistakes in his book which are not intelligible to you.

109.

Ibn Taymiyyah stated that when there is an explanation of an Ayah of the Qur'an or a Hadith, from the prophet himself, the use of philology or a grammatical explanation becomes obsolete.

110.

Ibn Taymiyyah said one should refer only to the understanding of the Salaf when interpreting a word within the scriptural sources.

111.

Ibn Taymiyyah stated that the Arabic nouns within the scriptural sources have been divided by the fuqaha into three categories; those that are defined by the shari'a, those defined by philology and finally those that are defined by social custom.

112.

Ibn Taymiyyah censured the scholars for blindly conforming to the precedence of early jurists without any resort to the Qur'an and Sunnah.

113.

Ibn Taymiyyah contended that although juridical precedence has its place, blindly giving it authority without contextualization, sensitivity to societal changes, and evaluative mindset in light of the Qur'an and Sunnah can lead to ignorance and stagnancy in Islamic Law.

114.

Ibn Taymiyyah likened the extremism of Taqlid to the practice of Jews and Christians who took their rabbis and ecclesiastics as gods besides God.

115.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya considered his attachment to the Hanbali school as a scholarly choice based on his Ijtihad, rather than on imitation.

116.

Ibn Taymiyyah insisted that the dominant opinion of Hanbali school transmitted through Ahmad's reports is not necessarily the correct view in sharia and often critiqued the rulings of prominent Hanbali Fuqaha.

117.

Ibn Taymiyyah believed that the best role models for Islamic life were the first three generations of Islam ; which constitute Muhammad's companions, referred to in Arabic as Sahaba, followed by the generation of Muslims born after the death of Muhammad known as the Tabi'un which is then followed lastly by the next generation after the Tabi'un known as Tabi' al-Tabi'in.

118.

Ibn Taymiyyah gave precedence to the ideas of the Sahaba and early generations, over the founders of the Islamic schools of jurisprudence.

119.

For Ibn Taymiyyah it was the Qur'an, the sayings and practices of Muhammad and the ideas of the early generations of Muslims that constituted the best understanding of Islam.

120.

Ibn Taymiyyah praised and wrote a commentary on some speeches of Abdul-Qadir Gilani.

121.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya asserted that every individual is permitted to employ Ijtihad partially as per his potential; despite the fact that scholars, jurists, etc.

122.

Ibn Taymiyyah is then in agreement with the founder of a different school, yet for him the revealed texts remain uncorrupted, as they are not contradicted by his actions.

123.

However, Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya denounced all manifestations of Madh'hab fanaticism and was careful to emphasize that school affiliations are not obligatory.

124.

Ibn Taymiyyah argued that opinions of any jurist, including the school founders were not proofs, and decried the prevalent legal approach; wherein the Fuqaha confined themselves to the opinions within their legal school without seeking the Scriptures.

125.

Consequently, Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya stripped Sunni legal conformism of any definitive, static religious authority.

126.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya believed that monotheism in Islam affirmed God as the "sole creator, ruler, and judge of the world" and hence; Muslims are duty-bound to submit to Divine Commandments as revealed through Sharia through both private and collective enforcement of religious rituals and morality.

127.

Ibn Taymiyyah allowed the lashing of imprisoned debtors, and "trials of suspicion" where defendants could be convicted without witnesses or documentary proof.

128.

Henri Laoust said that Ibn Taymiyyah never propagated the idea of a single caliphate but believed the Muslim ummah or community would form into a confederation of states.

129.

Laoust further stated that Ibn Taymiyyah called for obedience only to God, and the Islamic prophet Muhammad, and he did not put a limit on the number of leaders a Muslim community could have.

130.

Hassan has shown that Ibn Taymiyyah considered the Caliphate that was under the Rashidun Caliphs; Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman, and Ali, as the moral and legal ideal.

131.

Ibn Taymiyyah was noted for his emphasis on the importance of jihad and for the "careful and lengthy attention" he gave "to the questions of martyrdom" in jihad, such as benefits and blessings to be had for martyrs in the afterlife.

132.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya believed that martyrdom in Jihad grants eternal rewards and blessings.

133.

Ibn Taymiyyah gave a broad definition of what constituted "aggression" against Muslims and what actions by non-believers made jihad against them permissible.

134.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya sanctioned the act of plunging into the armies of non-Muslims even if the Muslim fighter or fighters are certain that they will be killed; as long as it benefited Islam for the purpose of Jihad.

135.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya argued that inghimas were sanctioned in three battlefield scenarios:.

136.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya praised inghimas as a part of the religious command to wage Jihad and attain Shuhada in battlefield.

137.

Apart from Inghimasi, Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya issued legal verdicts sanctioning the killing of Muslim civilians who are employed as "human shields" by the enemy armies, a tactic frequently used by the Mongols, but only if the Muslim army had no other choice.

138.

Scholars like Rebecca Molfoy have disputed this view, asserting that Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya did not legalise mass-murder of non-combatants, but sanctioned inghimasi only in battlefield, when outnumbered and when it was beneficial to Islam.

139.

Ibn Taymiyyah engaged in fierce debates against Ash'arite scholars and denounced the rationalist Qur'anic commentary of Ash'arite theologian Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, as a heresy that altered the meaning of Scriptures.

140.

Ibn Taymiyyah opposed giving any undue religious honors to mosques, to approach or rival in any way the Islamic sanctity of the two most holy mosques within Islam, Masjid al-Haram and Al-Masjid al-Nabawi.

141.

Ibn Taymiyyah uses a saying of the Islamic prophet Muhammad in Bukhari and Muslim to justify his view that it is not permitted to journey exclusively to any mosque other than the sacred mosques in Mecca, Medina, or Jerusalem.

142.

Indeed, while Ibn Taymiyyah did indeed reject widely-established orthodox practices associated with the veneration of saints in Islam at his time, like the visitation to their graves and the seeking of their intercession, he never rejected the actual existence of saints as such.

143.

Ibn Taymiyyah considered the visitation of the tombs of prophets and saints as impermissible, a blameworthy innovation and comparable to worshiping something besides God.

144.

Nevertheless, Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya did not condemn ziyara in its entirety and affirms a form of ziyara that aligned with his reading of the salaf; which did not place the dead between the believer and God.

145.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya dismisses this as unlawful innovation but does not label it as shirk.

146.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya became the most influential stalwart of a critical trend of Islamic thought which rejected ideas associated with saint-cults, beliefs in intercession, the sanctity of saints' relics, veneration of graves, etc.

147.

Ibn Taymiyyah is widely regarded as one of the most astute and formidable opponents of beliefs and practices associated with saint veneration in Islamic scholarship.

148.

Ibn Taymiyyah had advocated an extensive theological doctrine that aimed to upheld Tawhid by prohibiting bid'a.

149.

One of the core teachings espoused by Ibn Taymiyyah was that the original polytheists during Jahiliyya had not associated their deities with God in all aspects.

150.

Ibn Taymiyyah believed that seeking the assistance of God through intercession is allowed, as long as the other person is still alive.

151.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya was heavily hostile to Kalam and believed it to be amongst the most severe religious innovations that emerged after the first three generations.

152.

Ibn Taymiyyah asserted that the method of kalam was used by the Mu`tazilites, Jahmites and Ash`ari's.

153.

Ibn Taymiyyah considered the use of philosophical proofs and kalam to be redundant because he saw the Qur'an and the Sunna as superior rational proofs.

154.

Ibn Taymiyyah argued that these explanations were not grounded in scriptural evidence such as the philosophical explanation of the divine attributes of God or the proof of God using the cosmological argument.

155.

Ibn Taymiyyah said that the call to Islam was not made using such methods by the Qur'an or Muhammad and that these theories have only caused errors and corruption.

156.

The mutakallimun called their use of rationalist theology "Usul al-Din" but Ibn Taymiyyah said that the use of rationalist theology has nothing to do with the true usul al-din which comes from God and to state otherwise is to say that Muhammad neglected an important aspect of Islam.

157.

Ibn Taymiyyah says that the usul al-din of the mutakallimun, deserve to be named usul din al-shaytan.

158.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya condemned many aspects of the evolving jurisprudential sciences as "educated conjectures"; particularly the impact of Kalam theology on 'ilm al-Ikhtilaf as well as on Usul al-Fiqh.

159.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya attributed the flood of numerous juristic opinions, prevalence of controversial views and their resultant instability on the approach of speculative theologians who regarded Fiqh as a science of "conjectures".

160.

Ibn Taymiyyah was a major proponent of the doctrines of the early generations, which he held to be pristine Islam and advocated the re-generation of their beliefs and practices.

161.

Ibn Taymiyyah was a zealous opponent of Ash'arite Kalam, condemning it as a philosophical outgrowth that corrupted the purity of early Islamic tenets.

162.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya challenged Ash'arite theologian Ghazali's epistimolegical discourse which emphasized linguistic and figurative analysis, instead advocating Scriptural literalism based on contextual intrapolation.

163.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya categorised Ash'arites alongside heterodox sects like Kharijites, Mu'tazilites, Jahmites, Shi'ites, etc.

164.

In spite of his exclusivist positions, Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya held that all those sects are not to be excommunicated, except for Jahmites and extreme Shi'ites.

165.

Some scholars argue that Ibn Taymiyyah belonged to the Qadiriyya tariqa of Sufism and claimed to inherit the khirqa of the founder of the Qadiriyya order 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani.

166.

Ibn Taymiyyah spoke highly of a great many other Sufi Shaykhs such as Abu Yazid al-Bistami and al-Junayd, and went to great lengths to state that Sufism is not a heretical innovation.

167.

However, authors like Fritz Meier and Thomas Michel contend that such reports and traditions attributed to Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya does not prove that he was a member formally affiliated to any Sufi Tariqa.

168.

An alternate view shared by many scholars and critics assert that Ibn Taymiyyah totally rejected Sufism, both exclusively, as well as the general concept of Sufism.

169.

Scholars and researchers who propound this view argue that the notion of Ibn Taymiyyah's alleged support towards Sufism were based on misinterpretations of his Fatwas.

170.

In particular, Ibn Taymiyyah rejected two views associated with some extreme Sufis.

171.

Ibn Taymiyyah rejected the veneration of saints who promulgated Ibn Arabi's doctrines of wahdat al-wajud.

172.

On Ibn 'Arabi, and Sufism in general, Henri Laoust says that Ibn Taymiyyah never condemned Sufism in and of itself, but only that which he considered to be inadmissible deviations in doctrine, ritual or morals, such as monism, antinomianism or esotericism.

173.

However, scholar Jamileh Kadivar has reported that Ibn Taymiyyah issued blatant takfir on Ibn 'Arabi.

174.

In 1301, Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya had accompanied the Mamluk army in its campaigns against the Shia inhabitants of Kasrawan town.

175.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya believed that the emergence of Sufi pantheist doctrines heralded the coming of Masih ad-Dajjal, blaming it as the main reason for the Tatar invasions and the ensuing dismantlement of Sharia.

176.

Ibn Taymiyyah was a proponent of the doctrine of Takfir on many Muslims across various Islamic sects such as the Mu'tazilites, the Shi'i Muslims, Sufi mystics like Ibn 'Arabi, etc.

177.

In particular, Ibn Taymiyyah was extremely critical of Shi'ism and considered its adherents to be religiously bankrupt, among the most morally depraved people and the root cause of many ills plaguing the Muslim World.

178.

Ibn Taymiyyah wrote comprehensive refutations of the Twelver doctrine of Imamah and much of his works serve as an influential source for Sunni anti-Shi'te polemics to this day.

179.

Ibn Taymiyyah argued that such mourning was never instructed by Muhammad and that the Islamic response to recent loss is not extravagant mourning but to endure the loss with patience and trust in God.

180.

Ibn Taymiyyah's work Al-Jawab al-Sahih li-man baddala din al-Masih is a detailed refutation of Christian doctrine written in response to Paul of Antioch and the Letter from the People of Cyprus.

181.

Ibn Taymiyyah suggested that Jews and Christians should be confined to their own specific regions.

182.

Ibn Taymiyyah believed that Druze have a high level of infidelity, besides being apostates.

183.

Ibn Taymiyyah teaches that Muslims cannot accept Druze penitence nor keep them alive, and Druze property should be confiscated, and their women enslaved.

184.

Ibn Taymiyyah strongly opposed borrowing from Christianity or other non-Muslim religions.

185.

Ibn Taymiyyah elaborated a circumstantial analysis of market mechanism, with a theoretical insight unusual in his time.

186.

Ibn Taymiyyah argued that trade and commerce should be conducted in a fair and just manner, and that individuals had a responsibility to treat their customers and business partners with honesty and integrity.

187.

Ibn Taymiyyah believed that the principles of Islamic economics were designed to promote economic growth and prosperity while ensuring social justice and fairness.

188.

Ibn Taymiyyah argued that there was an alternate view to the view which was held by philosophers, like Ibn Sina, who claimed that the universe was eternal in its entirety, and Islamic scholars, like Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, who claimed that the universe was created from nothing by God.

189.

Ibn Taymiyyah believed that Sharia was best preserved through the teachings and practices of the Salaf, the earliest three generations of Muslims.

190.

For Salafiyya movements across the Islamic World, Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya is their exemplar scholar who revived the methodology of the Salaf, and a social reformer who defiantly stood against foreign occupation.

191.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya is highly revered in contemporary militant Islamist and Jihadist circles for his 1303 Fatwa of Takfir against Mongol Ilkhanate rulers and his assertion that it became obligatory for "true Muslims" to wage Jihad against the apostate Mongol leaders and Muslim citizens who accepted the Yassa code.

192.

One of main arguments put forth by Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya was his categorising the world into distinct territories: the domain of Islam, where the rule is of Islam and sharia law is enforced; the domain of unbelief ruled by unbelievers; and the domain of war which is territory under the rule of unbelievers who are involved in an active or potential conflict with the domain of Islam.

193.

Ibn Taymiyyah said, rather than cursing or condemning them, an approach should be taken where they are educated about the religion.

194.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya issued various fatwas obliging all Muslims to fight the Mongols; declaring them as mushrikun similar to the people from the age of Jahiliyya.

195.

Ibn Taymiyyah categorized the territory as dar al-`ahd which in some ways is similar to dar al-kufr.

196.

Ibn Taymiyyah was asked whether Muslims living in Mardin had to emigrate to Islamic territories on account of implementation of man-made laws.

197.

Ibn Taymiyyah called for a defensive jihad to mobilise the people to kill the Mongol rulers and any one who supported them, Muslim or non-Muslim.

198.

Ibn Taymiyyah is either an atheist or a hypocrite who does not believe in the essence of the religion of Islam.

199.

Ibn Taymiyyah took issue with their non-religious approach to dealing with various communities such as Christians, Jews, Budhhists, etc.

200.

Ibn Taymiyyah Taymiyya is widely regarded as an anti-rationalist "hater of logic" and a strict literalist who was responsible for the demise of rationalist tendencies within the classical Sunni tradition.

201.

Jamaat-e Islami leader Abdul Haq Ansari contends the ubiquitous notion that Ibn Taymiyyah rejected Sufism outright as erroneous.

202.

Various scholars have asserted that Ibn Taymiyyah had a deep reverence and appreciation for the works of such major Sufi Awliyaa such as Junayd, Sahl al-Tustari, Abu Talib al-Makki, Bayazid Bastami, etc.

203.

Ibn Taymiyyah left a considerable body of work, ranging from 350 according to his student Ibn Qayyim Al-Jawziyya to 500 according to his student al-Dhahabi.

204.

Oliver Leaman says that Ibn Taymiyyah produced some 700 works in the field of Islamic sciences.

205.

Many of Ibn Taymiyyah's books are thought to be lost.