In March 1926, Komsomol membership reached a NEP-period peak of 1,750,000 members: only 6 percent of the eligible youth population.
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In March 1926, Komsomol membership reached a NEP-period peak of 1,750,000 members: only 6 percent of the eligible youth population.
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Komsomol had little direct influence on the Communist Party or on the government of the Soviet Union, but it played an important role as a mechanism for teaching the values of the CPSU to the younger generation.
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The Komsomol served as a mobile pool of labor and political activism, with the ability to relocate to areas of high-priority at short notice.
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In 1929,7,000 Komsomol cadets were building the tractor factory in Stalingrad, 57,000 others built factories in the Urals, and 36,500 were assigned work underground in the coal mines.
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The government, unions and the Komsomol jointly introduced Centers for Scientific and Technical Creativity for Youth.
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Folklore quickly coined a motto: "The Komsomol is a school of Capitalism", hinting at Vladimir Lenin's "Trade unions are a school of Communism".
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The Komsomol, long associated with conservatism and bureaucracy, had always largely lacked political power.
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The radical Twentieth Congress of the Komsomol altered the rules of the organization to represent a market orientation.
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The Komsomol sought to provide its members with alternative leisure activities that promoted the improvement of society, such as volunteer work, sports, and political and drama clubs.
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At these assemblies, the leadership of the Komsomol promoted the values they considered to be the most important for the ideal young communist.
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The Komsomol pushed hard to recruit young women and raise them in this new consciousness.
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Komsomol found it difficult to recruit and motivate young women amongst the rural populations.
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Komsomol women were provided little in the way of programs that might encourage their involvement.
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The Komsomol turned to the Zhenotdel, which was more favorable to young peasant women, and cooperated with them to achieve better results.
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The Komsomol needed full-time commitment, and peasant youths, who saw it as a chance for social mobility, education, and economic success, were willing to abandon their traditional duties to join.
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Komsomol adopted meritocratic, supposedly class-blind membership policies in 1935, but the result was a decline in working-class youth members, and a dominance by the better educated youth.
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