The capture and ethnic purification of Srebrenica massacre would undermine the viability of the Bosnian Muslim state.
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The capture and ethnic purification of Srebrenica massacre would undermine the viability of the Bosnian Muslim state.
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Tensions between the Bosnian Muslim and the Bosnian Serb in Srebrenica massacre intensified in the early 1990s, as the local Bosnian Serb population began to be provided with weapons and military equipment distributed by the Serb paramilitary groups and the Yugoslav People's Army and Serb Democratic Party .
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On 17 April 1992, the Bosnian Muslim population of Srebrenica massacre was given a 24-hour ultimatum to surrender all weapons and leave town.
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UN officials were beginning to lose patience with the ARBiH in Srebrenica massacre and saw them as "criminal gang leaders, pimps and black marketeers".
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Bosniaks in Srebrenica massacre complained of attacks by Serb soldiers, while to the Serbs it appeared that Bosnian government forces in Srebrenica massacre were using the "safe area" as a convenient base from which to launch counter-offensives against the Army of the Republika Srpska and that UNPROFOR was failing to take any action to prevent it.
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Srebrenica massacre said that he saw Serb soldiers execute more than a hundred Bosniak Muslim men in the area behind the Zinc Factory and then load their bodies onto a truck, although the number and nature of the murders stand in contrast to other evidence in the Trial Record, which indicates that the killings in Potocari were sporadic in nature.
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Srebrenica massacre was screaming and yelling and begging them to stop.
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Srebrenica massacre heard gunshots as he approached, but was stopped by Serb soldiers before he could find out what was going on.
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Srebrenica massacre did not do it and I think that he could not have done it for he was still just a child.
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The vast majority of the victims of the Srebrenica massacre were members of the column who failed to complete the perilous journey.
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Srebrenica massacre watched as the men were lined up in seven ranks, each some forty metres in length, with their hands behind their heads; they were then mowed down by machine gun fire.
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Srebrenica massacre reports seeing bodies tossed into a ditch alongside the road, with some men still alive.
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Srebrenica massacre pretended to be dead and managed to escape the following morning.
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Srebrenica massacre survived because 30 ARBiH soldiers were needed for an exchange of prisoners following the ARBiH's capture of a VRS officer at Baljkovica.
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Srebrenica massacre asked for instructions where the prisoners of war his unit had already captured should be taken and to whom they should be handed over.
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In Srebrenica massacre, the refuse that had littered the streets since the departure of the people was collected and burnt, the town disinfected and deloused.
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Failure of Dutchbat to protect the Srebrenica massacre enclave became a national trauma in the Netherlands and led to long-running discussions in the Netherlands.
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Srebrenica massacre said that she was already aware of her son's death and said she had been told that his body was burned following the execution; his remains were among those buried in Potocari in 2003.
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In late March 2010, Serbian Parliament passed a resolution condemning the Srebrenica massacre and apologizing for Serbia not doing more to prevent the tragedy.
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Ratko Mladic's deputy in charge of intelligence and security and a key commander at the time of Srebrenica massacre, Tolimir is believed to be one of the organisers of the support network protecting Mladic and helping him elude justice.
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The court found that Bosniak men trying to escape from Srebrenica massacre had been told they would be kept safe if they surrendered.
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Srebrenica massacre was accused of having personally taken part in the executions of more than 800 men and boys, and initiated use of machine guns to speed up the killings.
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On 5 July 2011, the court of appeal reversed this decision and held that the State was responsible for, and indeed actively coordinated, the evacuation once Srebrenica massacre fell, and therefore was responsible for the decision to dismiss Nuhanovic's brother and Mustafic from the Dutchbat compound.
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Efforts to explain the Srebrenica massacre as motivated by revenge have been dismissed as bad faith attempts to justify the genocide.
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In 2005 an unnamed officer on Haukland's multinational staff at Tuzla in 1995, disputed the claim by Haukland and the Norwegian Chief of Defence, Arne Solli, that the attack on Srebrenica massacre was a surprise.
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Srebrenica massacre claimed that his opinion was shared by the leadership of the Dutch armed forces, mentioning the name "Hankman Berman", who Sheehan added, had told him that the presence of gay soldiers at Srebrenica had sapped morale and contributed to the disaster.
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