Identity politics is deeply connected with the idea that some groups in society are oppressed and begins with analysis of that oppression.
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Identity politics is deeply connected with the idea that some groups in society are oppressed and begins with analysis of that oppression.
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Critics of identity politics have seen it as particularist, in contrast to the universalism of liberal perspectives, or argue that it detracts attention from non-identity based structures of oppression and exploitation.
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Term identity politics may have been used in political discourse since at least the 1970s.
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Our Identity politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows us to continue our struggle and work.
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We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else's oppression.
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Identity politics can be left-wing or right-wing, with examples of the latter being Ulster Loyalist, Islamist and Christian Identity movements, and examples of the former being queer nationalism and black nationalism.
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Term identity politics has been applied retroactively to varying movements that long predate its coinage.
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Some supporters of identity politics take stances based on Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's work and have described some forms of identity politics as strategic essentialism, a form which has sought to work with hegemonic discourses to reform the understanding of "universal" goals.
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Tarrow asserts that identity politics can produce insular, sectarian, and divisive movements incapable of expanding membership, broadening appeals, and negotiating with prospective allies.
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Crenshaw applauds identity politics for bringing African Americans, gays and lesbians, and other oppressed groups together in community and progress.
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Ethnic, religious and racial identity politics dominated American politics in the 19th century, during the Second Party System as well as the Third Party System.
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Refuting the view that had "drawn many analysts to conclude that the era of Arab identity politics has passed", Wise and James examined its development as a viable alternative to Islamic fundamentalism in the Arab world.
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Since the 1970s, the interaction of religion and Identity politics has been associated with the rise of Islamist movements in the Middle East.
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Construction of British Muslim identity politics is marked with Islamophobia; Jonathan Brit suggests that political hostility toward the Muslim "other" and the reification of an overarching identity that obscures and denies cross-cutting collective identities or existential individuality are charges made against an assertive Muslim identity politics in Britain.
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Salam states that an increase in "white identity" politics is far from certain given the very high rates of intermarriage and the historical example of the once Anglo-Protestant cultural majority embracing a more inclusive white cultural majority which included Jews, Italians, Poles, Arabs, and Irish.
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Gender identity politics is an approach that views politics, both in practice and as an academic discipline, as having a gendered nature and that gender is an identity that influences how people think.
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