Chinese people and their Indonesian descendants have lived in the Indonesian archipelago since at least the 13th century.
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Chinese people and their Indonesian descendants have lived in the Indonesian archipelago since at least the 13th century.
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Term "Chinese Indonesian" has never been clearly defined, especially for the period before 1900.
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The ethno-political category Han Chinese Indonesian was poorly defined before the rise of modern Chinese Indonesian nationalism in the late 19th century.
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At its broadest, the term "Chinese Indonesian" is used to refer to anyone from, or having an ancestor from, the present-day territory of China.
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Under the New Order of President Suharto, citizens of Chinese descent were formally classified as "Indonesian citizens of foreign descent".
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The Chinese Indonesian Muslims were likely to have been absorbed into the majority Muslim population.
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Some Chinese Indonesian traders avoided Portuguese Malacca after it fell to the Portuguese in the 1511 Capture of Malacca.
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Many Chinese Indonesian cooperated with the Portuguese for the sake of trade.
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Chinese Indonesian rarely had to convert to Islam to marry Javanese abangan women but a significant amount of their offspring did, and Batavian Muslims absorbed the Chinese Indonesian Muslim community which was descended from converts.
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An 1816 regulation introduced a requirement for the indigenous population and Chinese Indonesian traveling within the territory to obtain a travel permit.
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The governor-general introduced a resolution in 1825 which forbade "foreign Asians in Java such as Malays, Buginese and Chinese Indonesian" from living within the same neighborhood as the native population.
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Chinese Indonesian were perceived as temporary residents and encountered difficulties in obtaining land rights.
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Short-term and renewable leases of varying lengths were later introduced as a temporary measure, but many Chinese Indonesian remained on these lands upon expiration of their contracts and became squatters.
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Powerful Chinese Indonesian families were described as the 'Cabang Atas' of colonial society, forming influential bureaucratic and business dynasties, such as the Kwee family of Ciledug and the Tan family of Cirebon.
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In western Borneo, the Chinese Indonesian established their first major mining settlement in 1760.
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In 1851,28 Chinese Indonesian were recorded on the islands and, by 1915, the population had risen to nearly 40,000 and fishing and tobacco industries had developed.
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Several years later, the Dutch authorities abandoned its segregation policies, abolished travel permits for the ethnic Chinese Indonesian, and allowed them to freely move throughout the colony.
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The ethnic Chinese Indonesian who followed its stream of thought refused any involvement with local institutions and would only participate in politics relating to mainland China.
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Under the occupation ethnic Chinese Indonesian communities were attacked by Japanese forces, in part owing to suspicions that they contained sympathizers of the Kuomintang as a consequence of the Second Sino-Japanese War.
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Ethnic Chinese Indonesian born in the Dutch East Indies whose parents were domiciled under Dutch administration were regarded as citizens of the new state according to the principle of jus soli, or "right of the soil".
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However, Chinese Indonesian law considered a person as a Chinese Indonesian citizen according to the principle of jus sanguinis, or right of blood.
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When Baperki was branded a communist organization in 1965 the ethnic Chinese Indonesian were implicated by association; this was exacerbated in the public mind by the People's Republic of China's communism.
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The economic role of the ethnic Chinese Indonesian was contradictory because it did not translate to acceptance of their status in the greater society.
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The second abolished the ban on the study of Mandarin Chinese Indonesian and reaffirmed a 1996 instruction that abolished the use of the SBKRI to identify citizens of Chinese Indonesian descent.
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Australian scholar Charles Coppel believes Chinese Indonesian migrants constitute a large majority of returned overseas Chinese living in Hong Kong.
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Ethnic Chinese Indonesian businesses persisted, owing to their integration into larger networks throughout Southeast Asia, and their dominance continued despite continuous state and private efforts to encourage the growth of indigenous capital.
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Indonesian Chinese businesses are part of the larger bamboo network, a network of overseas Chinese businesses operating in the markets of Southeast Asia that share common family and cultural ties.
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Ethnic Chinese Indonesian capitalists, called the, were supported by the military, which emerged as the dominant political force after 1965.
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The image of an economically powerful ethnic Chinese Indonesian community was further fostered by the government through its inability to dissociate itself from the patronage networks.
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Between the 18th and early 20th centuries, ethnic Chinese Indonesian communities were dominated by the "peranakan" presence.
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Furthermore, although the Dutch colonial government first introduced the Malay orthography in 1901, Chinese Indonesian newspapers did not follow this standard until after independence.
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The later ban on the public use of Chinese language meant that imported films and television programs were required to be dubbed in English with subtitles in Indonesian.
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Various forms of Chinese Indonesian architecture exist throughout Indonesia with marked differences between urban and rural areas and among the different islands.
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The policies implemented by the New Order government which prohibited the public display of Chinese Indonesian culture have accelerated the transition toward local and Western architecture.
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