44 Facts About Chinese Indonesians

Discrimination against Chinese Indonesians has occurred since the start of Dutch colonialism in the region, although government policies implemented since 1998 have attempted to redress this.

Term "Chinese Indonesians Indonesian" has never been clearly defined, especially for the period before 1900.

The ethno-political category Han Chinese Indonesians was poorly defined before the rise of modern Chinese Indonesians nationalism in the late 19th century.

At its broadest, the term "Chinese Indonesians Indonesian" is used to refer to anyone from, or having an ancestor from, the present-day territory of China.

Under the New Order of President Suharto, citizens of Chinese Indonesians descent were formally classified as "Indonesian citizens of foreign descent" .

Related searches

The Chinese Indonesians Muslims were likely to have been absorbed into the majority Muslim population.

Distinct Chinese Indonesians colonies emerged in hundreds of ports throughout southeastern Asia, including the pepper port of Banten.

Some Chinese Indonesians traders avoided Portuguese Malacca after it fell to the Portuguese in the 1511 Capture of Malacca.

Many Chinese Indonesians cooperated with the Portuguese for the sake of trade.

Chinese Indonesians who married local Javanese women and converted to Islam created a distinct Chinese Indonesians Muslim Peranakan community in Java.

Chinese Indonesians rarely had to convert to Islam to marry Javanese abangan women but a significant amount of their offspring did, and Batavian Muslims absorbed the Chinese Indonesians Muslim community which was descended from converts.

An 1816 regulation introduced a requirement for the indigenous population and Chinese Indonesians traveling within the territory to obtain a travel permit.

The governor-general introduced a resolution in 1825 which forbade "foreign Asians in Java such as Malays, Buginese and Chinese Indonesians" from living within the same neighborhood as the native population.

Chinese Indonesians were perceived as temporary residents and encountered difficulties in obtaining land rights.

Short-term and renewable leases of varying lengths were later introduced as a temporary measure, but many Chinese Indonesians remained on these lands upon expiration of their contracts and became squatters.

Powerful Chinese Indonesians families were described as the 'Cabang Atas' of colonial society, forming influential bureaucratic and business dynasties, such as the Kwee family of Ciledug and the Tan family of Cirebon.

In western Borneo, the Chinese Indonesians established their first major mining settlement in 1760.

Several years later, the Dutch authorities abandoned its segregation policies, abolished travel permits for the ethnic Chinese Indonesians, and allowed them to freely move throughout the colony.

The anti-Chinese Indonesians sentiment spread throughout Java in 1918 and led to violent attacks orchestrated by members of Sarekat Islam on the ethnic Chinese Indonesians in Kudus.

The ethnic Chinese Indonesians who followed its stream of thought refused any involvement with local institutions and would only participate in politics relating to mainland China.

Under the occupation ethnic Chinese Indonesians communities were attacked by Japanese forces, in part owing to suspicions that they contained sympathizers of the Kuomintang as a consequence of the Second Sino-Japanese War.

Ethnic Chinese Indonesians born in the Dutch East Indies whose parents were domiciled under Dutch administration were regarded as citizens of the new state according to the principle of jus soli, or "right of the soil".

However, Chinese Indonesians law considered a person as a Chinese Indonesians citizen according to the principle of jus sanguinis, or right of blood.

When Baperki was branded a communist organization in 1965 the ethnic Chinese Indonesians were implicated by association; this was exacerbated in the public mind by the People's Republic of China's communism.

The economic role of the ethnic Chinese Indonesians was contradictory because it did not translate to acceptance of their status in the greater society.

Related searches

The second abolished the ban on the study of Mandarin Chinese Indonesians and reaffirmed a 1996 instruction that abolished the use of the SBKRI to identify citizens of Chinese Indonesians descent.

Since then, numbers of Chinese Indonesians began to take part in the nation's politics, government and administrative sector.

Past estimates on the exact number of Chinese Indonesians relied on the 1930 Dutch East Indies census, which collected direct information on ethnicity.

Emigration by Chinese Indonesians became significant after Indonesian independence in 1945.

Large numbers of Chinese Indonesians repatriated to China, Taiwan and Hong Kong throughout the following years, while others moved to more industrialized regions around the world.

Scholars who study Chinese Indonesians often distinguish members of the group according to their racial and sociocultural background: the "totok" and the "peranakan".

Chinese Indonesians were required to produce an Indonesian Citizenship Certificate when conducting business with government officials.

Ethnic Chinese Indonesians businesses persisted, owing to their integration into larger networks throughout Southeast Asia, and their dominance continued despite continuous state and private efforts to encourage the growth of indigenous capital.

Indonesian Chinese Indonesians businesses are part of the larger bamboo network, a network of overseas Chinese Indonesians businesses operating in the markets of Southeast Asia that share common family and cultural ties.

Ethnic Chinese Indonesians capitalists, called the, were supported by the military, which emerged as the dominant political force after 1965.

The image of an economically powerful ethnic Chinese Indonesians community was further fostered by the government through its inability to dissociate itself from the patronage networks.

Between the 18th and early 20th centuries, ethnic Chinese Indonesians communities were dominated by the "peranakan" presence.

Issue of nationality, following independence, politicized the ethnic Chinese Indonesians and led to the formation of Baperki in 1954, as the first and largest Chinese Indonesians Indonesian mass organization.

Furthermore, although the Dutch colonial government first introduced the Malay orthography in 1901, Chinese Indonesians newspapers did not follow this standard until after independence.

Chinese Indonesians is well known in Indonesia for his martial art fiction set in the background of China or Java.

The lifting of the Chinese-language ban after 1998 prompted the older generation of Chinese Indonesians to promote its use to the younger generation; according to Malaysian-Chinese researcher of the Chinese diaspora, Chang-Yau Hoon, they believed they would "be influenced by the virtues of Chinese culture and Confucian values".

The later ban on the public use of Chinese Indonesians language meant that imported films and television programs were required to be dubbed in English with subtitles in Indonesian.

Various forms of Chinese Indonesians architecture exist throughout Indonesia with marked differences between urban and rural areas and among the different islands.

The policies implemented by the New Order government which prohibited the public display of Chinese Indonesians culture have accelerated the transition toward local and Western architecture.