50 Facts About Vladimir Ilyich

Vladimir Ilyich served as the first and founding head of government of Soviet Russia from 1917 to 1924 and of the Soviet Union from 1922 to 1924.

Vladimir Ilyich moved to Saint Petersburg in 1893 and became a senior Marxist activist.

Vladimir Ilyich's health failing, Lenin died in Gorki, with Joseph Stalin succeeding him as the pre-eminent figure in the Soviet government.

Vladimir Ilyich became an ideological figurehead behind Marxism–Leninism and a prominent influence over the international communist movement.

In January 1882, his dedication to education earned him the Order of Saint Vladimir Ilyich, which bestowed on him the status of hereditary nobleman.

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Vladimir Ilyich joined a revolutionary cell bent on assassinating the Tsar and was selected to construct a bomb.

Vladimir Ilyich had little interest in farm management, and his mother soon sold the land, keeping the house as a summer home.

Vladimir Ilyich began to read the works of the Russian Marxist Georgi Plekhanov, agreeing with Plekhanov's argument that Russia was moving from feudalism to capitalism and so socialism would be implemented by the proletariat, or urban working class, rather than the peasantry.

Vladimir Ilyich devoted much time to radical politics, remaining active in Sklyarenko's group and formulating ideas about how Marxism applied to Russia.

Vladimir Ilyich wrote a paper on peasant economics; it was rejected by the liberal journal Russian Thought.

Vladimir Ilyich began a romantic relationship with Nadezhda "Nadya" Krupskaya, a Marxist schoolteacher.

Vladimir Ilyich authored the political tract What the "Friends of the People" Are and How They Fight the Social-Democrats criticising the Narodnik agrarian-socialists, based largely on his experiences in Samara; around 200 copies were illegally printed in 1894.

Vladimir Ilyich proceeded to Paris to meet Marx's son-in-law Paul Lafargue and to research the Paris Commune of 1871, which he considered an early prototype for a proletarian government.

Vladimir Ilyich was granted a few days in Saint Petersburg to put his affairs in order and used this time to meet with the Social-Democrats, who had renamed themselves the League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class.

Vladimir Ilyich's was initially posted to Ufa, but persuaded the authorities to move her to Shushenskoye, claiming that she and Lenin were engaged; they married in a church on 10 July 1898.

Vladimir Ilyich finished The Development of Capitalism in Russia, his longest book to date, which criticised the agrarian-socialists and promoted a Marxist analysis of Russian economic development.

Vladimir Ilyich first adopted the pseudonym Lenin in December 1901, possibly based on the Siberian River Lena; he often used the fuller pseudonym of N Lenin, and while the N did not stand for anything, a popular misconception later arose that it represented Nikolai.

Vladimir Ilyich became friends with fellow Russian-Ukrainian Marxist Leon Trotsky.

Vladimir Ilyich encouraged the party to seek out a much wider membership, and advocated the continual escalation of violent confrontation, believing both to be necessary for a successful revolution.

Vladimir Ilyich stayed in close contact with the RSDLP, which was operating in the Russian Empire, convincing the Duma's Bolshevik members to split from their parliamentary alliance with the Mensheviks.

Vladimir Ilyich attended the Zimmerwald Conference in September 1915 and the Kienthal Conference in April 1916, urging socialists across the continent to convert the "imperialist war" into a continent-wide "civil war" with the proletariat pitted against the bourgeoisie and aristocracy.

Vladimir Ilyich believed that competition and conflict would increase and that war between the imperialist powers would continue until they were overthrown by proletariat revolution and socialism established.

Vladimir Ilyich still perceived himself as an orthodox Marxist, but he began to diverge from some of Marx's predictions about societal development; whereas Marx had believed that a "bourgeoisie-democratic revolution" of the middle-classes had to take place before a "socialist revolution" of the proletariat, Lenin believed that in Russia the proletariat could overthrow the Tsarist regime without an intermediate revolution.

Vladimir Ilyich decided to return to Russia to take charge of the Bolsheviks but found that most passages into the country were blocked due to the ongoing conflict.

Vladimir Ilyich organised a plan with other dissidents to negotiate a passage for them through Germany, with whom Russia was then at war.

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Vladimir Ilyich publicly condemned both the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionaries, who dominated the influential Petrograd Soviet, for supporting the Provisional Government, denouncing them as traitors to socialism.

Vladimir Ilyich began arguing for a Bolshevik-led armed insurrection to topple the government, but at a clandestine meeting of the party's central committee this idea was rejected.

Vladimir Ilyich survived a second assassination attempt, in Moscow in August 1918; he was shot following a public speech and injured badly.

Vladimir Ilyich issued the Decree on Popular Education that stipulated that the government would guarantee free, secular education for all children in Russia, and a decree establishing a system of state orphanages.

Vladimir Ilyich believed that ongoing war would create resentment among war-weary Russian troops, to whom he had promised peace, and that these troops and the advancing German Army threatened both his own government and the cause of international socialism.

Vladimir Ilyich argued that the territorial losses were acceptable if it ensured the survival of the Bolshevik-led government.

Vladimir Ilyich's published articles and speeches rarely called for executions, but he regularly did so in his coded telegrams and confidential notes.

Vladimir Ilyich deemed the unions to be superfluous in a "workers' state", but Lenin disagreed, believing it best to retain them; most Bolsheviks embraced Lenin's view in the 'trade union discussion'.

Vladimir Ilyich sent her to a sanatorium in Kislovodsk in the Northern Caucasus to recover, but she died there in September 1920 during a cholera epidemic.

Vladimir Ilyich recommended that Stalin be removed from the position of General Secretary of the Communist Party, deeming him ill-suited for the position.

Vladimir Ilyich's sarcophagus was replaced in 1940 and again in 1970.

Vladimir Ilyich defined socialism as "an order of civilized co-operators in which the means of production are socially owned", and believed that this economic system had to be expanded until it could create a society of abundance.

Vladimir Ilyich believed that all workers throughout the country would voluntarily join to enable the state's economic and political centralisation.

Vladimir Ilyich adapted his ideas according to changing circumstances, including the pragmatic realities of governing Russia amid war, famine, and economic collapse.

Vladimir Ilyich believed that although Russia's economy was dominated by the peasantry, the presence of monopoly capitalism in Russia meant that the country was sufficiently materially developed to move to socialism.

Vladimir Ilyich thought a proposition could be proved by quoting a text in Marx.

Vladimir Ilyich did not question old Marxist scripture, he merely commented, and the comments have become a new scripture.

Vladimir Ilyich opposed liberalism, exhibiting a general antipathy toward liberty as a value, and believing that liberalism's freedoms were fraudulent because it did not free labourers from capitalist exploitation.

Vladimir Ilyich believed that in a socialist society, the world's nations would inevitably merge and result in a single world government.

Vladimir Ilyich believed that this socialist state would need to be a centralised, unitary one, and regarded federalism as a bourgeois concept.

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Vladimir Ilyich was willing to use military force to ensure this unity, resulting in armed incursions into the independent states that formed in Ukraine, Georgia, Poland, Finland, and the Baltic states.

Vladimir Ilyich could be "venomous in his critique of others", exhibiting a propensity for mockery, ridicule, and ad hominem attacks on those who disagreed with him.

Vladimir Ilyich ignored facts that did not suit his argument, abhorred compromise, and very rarely admitted his own errors.

Vladimir Ilyich refused to change his opinions, until he rejected them completely, after which he would treat the new view as if it was just as unchangeable.

Vladimir Ilyich was annoyed at what he perceived as a lack of conscientiousness and discipline among the Russian people, and from his youth had wanted Russia to become more culturally European and Western.