34 Facts About Anti-Comintern Pact


Anti-Comintern Pact, officially the Agreement against the Communist International was an anti-Communist pact concluded between Nazi Germany and the Empire of Japan on 25 November 1936 and was directed against the Communist International .

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However, after the accession of Fascist Italy to the pact and especially the German-Soviet rapprochement after the Molotov–Ribbentrop Anti-Comintern Pact, it gained an increasingly anti-Western and anti-British identity as well.

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The Anti-Comintern Pact was followed by the September 1940 Tripartite Pact, which identified the United States as the primary threat rather than the Soviet Union, however by December 1941 this too was virtually inoperative.

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The Anti-Comintern Pact was renewed in November 1941 and saw the entry of several new members into the pact.

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Hiroshi Oshima, Japanese military attache in Berlin and the single most important individual on the Japanese side of the Anti-Comintern Pact's negotiations, interpreted the German foreign service structure as one where the power structure was such that "it was only Hitler and Ribbentrop who decided foreign policy, and that it was therefore of no use to talk to their subordinates".

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Anti-Comintern Pact was more of a statement than an actual political commitment, and the statement was one of mutual ideological alignment and diplomatic attachment to one another.

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In French foreign policy, the 1934 German–Polish Non-Aggression Anti-Comintern Pact had caused concerns about the stability of the French alliance system in eastern Europe, leading to a French realignment towards the Soviet Union that resulted in the 1936 Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance.

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Oshima's extensive involvement was essential to the formation of the Anti-Comintern Pact, but was the source of some discomfort among the Japanese military and diplomatic leaderships, as Oshima had far overextended his military assignment with his unauthorized diplomatic cooperation with Ribbentrop and even Hitler himself.

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Anti-Comintern Pact was sceptical of the Dienststelle's semi-official status within the German foreign service.

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On 24 July 1936, the Japanese government after some deliberation formally requested that the Anti-Comintern Pact should be limited only to an intelligence and information exchange as to avoid unnecessary diplomatic complications with the Soviet Union.

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Anti-Comintern Pact required the approval of the Privy Council of Japan to allow Japanese accession to the treaty.

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Anti-Comintern Pact between Germany and Japan was a direct threat to China, which relied on German military assistance against the threat of the imminent Japanese invasion.

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Prime Minister Hirota called Germany Japan's foremost diplomatic partner after the treaty, but stressed that the Anti-Comintern Pact did not imply ideological support for Germany's domestic policy.

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However the Anti-Comintern Pact was seen internally as a clear sign of an attempted encirclement by Germany and Japan.

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Anti-Comintern Pact politically accelerated the downward trend of the Soviet Union's trade relations with Japan.

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In Japan, the Anti-Comintern Pact was seen as possibly groundbreaking in freeing the country from its international isolation and to acquire new diplomatic and military partners.

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Italy's accession to the Anti-Comintern Pact completed the diplomatic triangle between Germany, Italy and Japan later formalized in the Tripartite Pact that was colloquially known as the Axis Powers, inspired by the term used by Benito Mussolini in reference to the German-Italian relationship on 1 November 1936.

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Anti-Comintern Pact eventually gained the support of Bernardo Attolico, Italian ambassador to Germany, for the idea.

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Anti-Comintern Pact proved unpopular in Hungary, particularly as Hungary's long-standing ally Poland became Germany's target.

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Spain's membership in the pact was proof of Spanish alignment with the European fascists, and the nationalist success in the Spanish Civil War became a justification for the Anti-Comintern Pact's continued activity and as a confirmation of the pact's value.

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Anti-Comintern Pact's legitimacy was undermined when Germany blatantly broke it by secretly negotiating the Molotov–Ribbentrop Anti-Comintern Pact with the Soviet Union.

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Ribbentrop explained to Stalin that, in fact, the Anti-Comintern Pact had been aimed against the western democracies, not the Soviet Union.

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Molotov-Ribbentrop Anti-Comintern Pact confirmed numerous suspicions that the Italian public, already unenthusiastic about any diplomatic alliance with Germany, had about the Germans.

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Japan had mainly intended the Anti-Comintern Pact to be directed against the Soviet Union rather than the United Kingdom, whereas the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact made it clear that the Germans, at least in 1939, were willing to aid the Soviets to the detriment of the western democracies.

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Anti-Comintern Pact had put himself forward as a negotiator between Japan and the USSR, but was cold-shouldered by both as they began to pragmatically wrap up their differences bilaterally and without German oversight.

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All further additions to the Anti-Comintern Pact were after 1 September 1939 and thus during World War II.

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Anti-Comintern Pact painted Japanese acquisitions in East Asia as preparations for a world order where all of Afro-Eurasia would be divided between Germany, Italy, Japan and the Soviet Union.

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Differences between Germany and Japan, including the Japanese war in China, economic differences, and the Molotov-Ribbentrop Anti-Comintern Pact, led to a growing distance between Germany and Japan.

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Anti-Comintern Pact was scheduled to be renewed on 25 November 1941, as its five-year lifespan since 25 November 1936 was about to run out.

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The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Anti-Comintern Pact, signed in April 1941, would hold up until August 1945, when the Soviet Union violated the pact and invaded Japanese Manchuria.

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Germany had in quick succession overseen three territorial losses in Romania, when it first awarded the Bessarabia region to the Soviet Union in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Anti-Comintern Pact, then granted large parts of the Transylvania region to Hungary as part of the Second Vienna Award, and finally approved of Bulgarian territorial gains in the Dobruja region as part of the Treaty of Craiova.

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Czechoslovakia's accession to the Anti-Comintern Pact was part of the German demands in the run-up to the establishment of the Protectorate.

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The Polish entry into the Anti-Comintern Pact was part of the eight-point plan presented to Poland by Joachim von Ribbentrop.

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Anti-Comintern Pact ended up playing a significant role at the Nuremberg trials and was specifically mentioned in the verdict that sentenced Joachim von Ribbentrop to death.

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